Friday, May 17, 2019

Germany („Deutschland“)

Bundesrepublik Deutschland
 
Germany to return 15th-century seafarer Cross to Namibia
[AFP] AGENCE FRANCE PRESSE
Hui Min NEO , AFP • May 16, 2019

https://www.yahoo.com/news/germany-return-15th-century-seafarer-cross-namibia-175349243.html

Berlin (AFP) - A German museum was set to announce Friday that it would restitute to Namibia a key 15th-century navigation landmark erected by Portuguese explorers, as part of Berlin's efforts to face up to its colonial past.

Placed in 1486 on the western coast of what is today Namibia, the Stone Cross was once considered to be such an important navigation marker that it featured on old world maps.

In the 1890s, it was removed from its spot on Cape Cross and brought to Europe by the region's then German colonial masters.

Since 2006, it has been part of a permanent exhibition of the German Historical Museum in Berlin.

But in June 2017, Namibia demanded the restitution of the cross, which stands 3.5 metres (11 feet) tall and weighs 1.1 tonnes.

After holding a symposium in 2018 with African and European experts on the issue, the museum's supervisory board was due to formally announce Friday its decision to return the monument.

Germany has pledged to accelerate the return of artefacts and human remains from former African colonies.

On the eve of the planned announcement, Germany's minister of state for international cultural policies, Michelle Muentefering, said: "The return of cultural objects is an important building stone for our common future with Namibia."

- 'Historical injustice' -

In a column in the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, the president of the museum's foundation, Raphael Gross, noted that the Cross "is one of the very few objects that documents the occupation of the country by the Portuguese and with that the slow beginning of colonial rule in present-day Namibia".

"For the people in Namibia and their cultural and political self-image, it is today of great significance because it stands for the experience of colonial rule from the perspective of those who were subject to it."

For Gross, a restitution would be an "important gesture" for both Namibia and the museum, which would serve as a "recognition of historical injustice".

"In this respect, it can act as an intervention that allows a new chapter to be opened up in the consideration of the common history of both Germany and Namibia."

Berlin ruled what was then called South-West Africa as a colony from 1884 to 1915.

Germany has on several occasions repatriated human remains to Namibia, where it slaughtered tens of thousands of indigenous Herero and Nama people between 1904 and 1908.

The German government announced in 2016 that it planned to issue an official apology for the atrocities committed by German imperial troops.

But it has repeatedly refused to pay direct reparations, citing millions of euros in development aid given to the Namibian government.

Beyond the former South West Africa, the German empire also held the colonies of Togoland, now Togo, Kamerun (Cameroon) and Tanganyika (Tanzania), as well as some Pacific islands.

 
 
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3:32
German Unification | 3 Minute History
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=T0oHWGXpzE8
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=T0oHWGXpzE8
Jabzy
Published on Apr 7, 2015
Unification of Germany in 3 Minutes

9:59
Ten Minute History - German Unification and Empire (Short Documentary)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tq91I3TnWu4
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tq91I3TnWu4
History Matters
Published on Feb 22, 2017

7:45
The Northern Crusades and the Teutonic Order
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=v8hxZluI7e0
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=v8hxZluI7e0
A Bit of History
Published on Jun 19, 2017

5:27
History of Germany,Prussia,Brandenburg and the Teutonic Order (OUTDATED)
https://youtu.be/IHH_fu8grfw?t=161
https://youtu.be/IHH_fu8grfw?t=161
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IHH_fu8grfw
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IHH_fu8grfw
Mappinger
Published on Nov 6, 2016

8:31
History of Prussia | Animated History
https://youtu.be/h3rMBoMTCyo?t=16
https://youtu.be/h3rMBoMTCyo?t=16
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=h3rMBoMTCyo
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=h3rMBoMTCyo
The Armchair Historian
Published on Sep 14, 2018

10:42
How did Prussia Unify Germany? German Unification - Explained in 10 Minutes
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Kh5rnuMxDjw
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Kh5rnuMxDjw
Knowledgia
Published on Oct 24, 2018

30:05
ASMR - History of the Teutonic Knights
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WDE3zvGaWWk
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WDE3zvGaWWk
The French Whisperer
Published on May 27, 2014

11:49
German Reunification Explained In 11 Minutes
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3Tdw29LduG4
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3Tdw29LduG4
History Scope - Avery Thing
Published on Jan 6, 2018
  

15:06
Luther and the Protestant Reformation: Crash Course World History #218
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1o8oIELbNxE
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1o8oIELbNxE
CrashCourse
Published on Nov 29, 2014 


10:16
Max Weber & Modernity: Crash Course Sociology #9
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=69VF7mT4nRU
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=69VF7mT4nRU
CrashCourse
Published on May 8, 2017
This week we are wrapping up our overview of sociology’s core frameworks and founding theorists with a look Max Weber and his understanding of the modern world. We’ll explore rationalization and the transition from traditional to modern society. We’ll also discuss bureaucracy, legitimacy, and social stratification in the modern state. Finally, we’ll see why Weber was so worried about the modern world.


15:20
Geography Now! Germany
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wuClZjOdT30
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wuClZjOdT30
Geography Now
Published on Feb 8, 2017


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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Helmuth_von_Moltke_the_Elder#Moltke's_theory_of_war
Several corps stationed close together in a small area could not be fed for more than a day or two.

  ... ... ...

Moltke's main thesis was that military strategy had to be understood as a system of options since it was only possible to plan the beginning of a military operation. As a result, he considered the main task of military leaders to consist in the extensive preparation of all possible outcomes. His thesis can be summed up by two statements, one famous and one less so, translated into English as "No plan of operations extends with certainty beyond the first encounter with the enemy's main strength" (or "no plan survives contact with the enemy")[4] and "Strategy is a system of expedients".[4]

source:
10:38
Otto von Bismarck - Prussia Ascendant - Extra History - #5
https://youtu.be/jCFt0CQ8aEk?t=387
https://youtu.be/jCFt0CQ8aEk?t=387
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jCFt0CQ8aEk
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jCFt0CQ8aEk
Extra Credits
Published on Nov 11, 2017 


 
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([ related idea: the telegraph ]) 

 Tim Wu, The Master Switch, 2010                                             [ ]
https://drive.google.com/open?id=1IhN9QUg3y1ghWhNkBxPbDs63W0KmRBSp

https://drive.google.com/file/d/1IhN9QUg3y1ghWhNkBxPbDs63W0KmRBSp/view

p.21
Schumpeter believed that our minds were, essentially, too lazy to seek out new lines of thought when old ones could serve. “The very nature of fixed habits of thinking, their energy-saving function, is founded upon the fact that they have become subconscious, that they yield their results automatically and are proof against criticism and even against contradiction by individual facts.”8

pp.22-23
More generally, since the Civil War, the Republican Party and the telegraph industry had enjoyed a special relationship, in part because much of what were eventually Western Union's lines were built by the Union army.

     (Wu, Tim, The master switch : the rise and fall of information empires / Tim Wu., 1. telecommunication--history., 2. information technology--history., 2010 )
  (The Master Switch: The Rise and Fall of Information Empires, Tim Wu, 2010.)

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Carroll Quigley, Tragedy and Hope, 1966
Tragedy and Hope

p.416 (pdf 429)
The chief of these forces were the landlords (Conservative party), the industrialists (National liberal party), the Catholics (Center party), and the workers (Social democratic party). 

p.417 (pdf 430)
The events of 1914-1919 revealed that Germany was not a democracy in which all men were legally equal.  Instead, the ruling groups formed some strange animal lording it over a host of lesser animals.  In this strange creature the monarchy represented the body, which was supported by four legs:  the army, the landlords, the bureaucracy, and the industrialists. 

p.417 (pdf 430)
  This Quartet was not the creation of a moment, rather it was the result of a long process of development whose last stages were reached only in the 20th century.  In these last stages the industrialists were adopted into the ruling clique by conscious acts of agreement.  These acts culminated in the years 1898-1905 in a deal by which the Junkers accepted the industrialists' navy-building program (which they detested) in return for the industrialists' acceptance of the Junkers' high tariff on grains.  The Junkers were anti-navy because they, with their few numbers and close alliance with the army, were opposed to any venture into the fields of colonialism or overseas imperialism, and where determined not to jeopardize Germany's continental position by alienating England.  In fact, the policy of the Junkers was not only a continental one; on the Continent it was   klein-deutsch.  This expression meant that they were not eager to include the Germans of Austria within Germany because such an increment of Germans would dilute the power of the small group of Junkers inside Germany.  Instead, the Junkers would have preferred to annex the non-German areas to the east in order to obtain additional land and a supply of cheap Slav agricultural labor.  The Junkers wanted agricultural tariffs to raise the prices of their crops, especially rye and, later, sugar beets.  The industrialists objected to tariffs on food because high food prices made necessary high wages, which they opposed.  On the other hand, the industrialists wanted high industrial prices and a market for the products of heavy industry.  The former they obtained by the creation of cartels after 1888; the latter they obtained by the naval-building program and armaments expansion after 1898.  The Junkers agreed to these only in return for a tariff on food which eventually, through “import certificates”, became a subsidy for growing rye. 

p.418 (pdf 431)
The tariff of 1902, which game Germany one of the most protected agricultures in the world, was the price paid by industry for the Navy bill of 1900, and, symbolically enough, could be passed through the Reichstag only after the rules of procedure were violated to gag the opposition. 

pp.418-419 (pdf 431-432)
The Quartet represented the real power in Germany society because they represented the forces of public order (army and bureaucracy) and of economic production (landlords and industrialists). 

p.419 (pdf 432)
They did not quarrel, because they had an  esprit de corps  bred by years of service to a common system (the monarchy) and because, in many cases, the same individuals were to be found in two or even more of the four groups, Franz van Papen, for example, was a Westphalian noble, a colonel in the army, an ambassador, and a man with extensive industrial holdings, derived from his wife, in the Saarland. 

pp.419-420 (pdf 432-433)
  Before 1914 there were two parties which stood outside the Quartet system:  the Social Democrats and the Center (Catholic) Party.  The former was doctrinaire in its attitude, being anti-capitalists, pledged to the international brotherhood of labor, pacifist, democratic, and Marxist in an evolutionary, by not revolutionary, sense.  The Center Party, like the Catholics who made it up, came from all levels of society and all shades of ideiology, but in practice were frequently opposed to the Quartet on specific issues. 

p.430  (pdf 433)


pp.420-421 (pdf 433-434)
  Instead of working for a revolution in 1918-1919, the two parties which dominated the situation ─ the Social Democrats and the Centrists ─ did all they  could to prevent a revolution.  They not only left the Quartet in their positions of responsibility and power ─ the landlords on their estates, the officers in their commands, the industrialists in control of their factories, and the bureaucracy in control of the police, the courts, and the administration ─ but they increased the influence of these groups because the actions of the Quartet were not restrained under the republic by the sense of honor or loyalty to the system which had restrained the use of their power under the monarchy. 

p.421 (pdf 434)
kept a private telephone line from his office 

p.425 (pdf 438)
Noske was replaced as Reichswehr minister by Otto Gessler, a willing tool of the Officers' Corps.  Gessler, who held this critical position from March 1920 to January 1928, made no effort to subject the army to democratic, or even civilian, control, but cooperated in every way with Seeckt's secret efforts to evade the disarmament provisions of the peace treaties.  German armaments factories were moved to Turkey, Russia, Sweden, the Netherlands, and Switzerland, German officers were drilled in prohibited weapons in Russia and China.  Inside Germany, secret armaments were prepared on a considerable scale, and troops in excess of the treaty limits were organized in a “Black Reichswehr” which was supported by secret funds of the regular Reichswehr.  The Reichstag had no control over either organization. 

p.425 (pdf 438)
When the Western Powers in 1920 demanded that the Free Corps be disbanded, these groups went underground and formed a parallel organization to the Black Reichswehr, being supplied with protection, funds, information, and arms from the Reichswehr and Conservatives.  In return the Free Corps engaged in large-scale conspiracy and murder on behalf of the Conservatives.  

p.427 (pdf 440)
Alfred Hugenberg, the most violent and irreconcilable member of the Nationalist Party, built up a propaganda system through his ownership of scores of newspapers and a controlling interest in Ufa, the great motion-picture corporation.  By such avenues as this, a pervasive propaganda campaign, based on existing German prejudices and intolerances, was put on to prepare the way for a counter-revolution by the Quartet.  This campaign sought to show that all Germany's problems and misfortunes were caused by the democratic and laboring groups, by the internationalists, and by the Jews. 


p.430 (pdf 443)
Big business and big finance were determined to place the burden of the depression on the working classes by forcing the government to adopt a policy of deflation ─ that is, by wage reductions and curtailment of government expenditures. 

p.431 (pdf 444)
  Brüning's policy of deflation was a disaster.  The suffering of the people was terrible, with almost 8 million unemployed out of 25 million employable. 

p.431 (pdf 444)
The industrialists were taken into camp by Hitler during a three-hour speech which he made at the Industrial Club of Düsseldorf at the invitation of Fritz Thyssen (January 27, 1932). 

p.432 (pdf 445)
  In the middle of this crisis came the presidential election of March-April 1932.  It offered a fantastic sight of a nominally democratic republic forced to choose its president from among four antidemocratic, antirepublican figures of which one (Hitler) had become a German citizen only a month previously by a legal trick. 

p.433 (pdf 446)
  This agreement came into effect because of Papen's ability to manage Hindenberg.  On January 28, 1933, the president forced the resignation of Schleicher by refusing to grant him decree powers.  Two days later Hitler came into office as chancellor in a Cabinet which contained only two other Nazis.  These were Minister of Air Göring and Frick in the vital Ministry of the Interior.  Of the other eight posts, two, the ministries of economics and agriculure, went to Hugenberg; the Ministry of Labor went to Franz Seldte of the Stahlhelm, the Foreign Ministry and the Reichswehr Ministry went to nonparty experts, and most of the remaining posts went to friends of Papen.  It would not seem possible for Hitler, thus surrounded, ever to obtain control of Germany, yet within a year and a half he was dictator of the country. 

p.434 (pdf 447)
  The German Workers' Party had been founded by a Munich locksmith, Anton Drexler, on January 5, 1919, as a nationalist, Pan-German, workers' group.  In a few months Captain Ernst Röhm of Franz von Epp's corps of the Black Reichswehr joined the movement and became the conduit by which secret Reichswehr funds, coming through Epp, were conveyed to the party.  

p.434 (pdf 447)
When Hitler joined in September 1919, he was put in charge of party publicity.  Since this was the chief expense, and since Hitler also became the party's leading orator, public opinion soon came to regard the whole movement as Hitler's, and Röhm paid the Reichswehr's funds to Hitler directly. 

p.434 (pdf 447)
  During 1920 the party grew from 54 to 3,000 members; to changed its name to National Socialist German Worker's Party, purchased the Völkischer Beobachter with 60,000 marks of Gernal von Epp's money, and grew up its “Twenty-five-Point Program.”

pp.435-436 (pdf 448-449)
industrialists
Carl Bechstein (Berlin piano manufacturer), 
August Borsig (Berlin locomotive manufacturer), 
Emil Kirdorf (general manager of the Rhenish-Westphalian Coal Syndicate), 
Fritz Thyssen (owner of the United Steel Workers and president of the German Industrial Council) and
Albert Vögler (general manager of the Gelsenkirchen Iron and Steel Company and formerly general manager of United Steel Works). 

p.438 (pdf 415) 
  The true story of the Reichstag fire was kept secret only with difficulty.  Several persons who knew the truth, including a Nationalist Reichstag member, Dr. Oberfohren, were murdered in March and April to prevent their circulating the true story.  Most of the Nazis who were in on the plot were murdered by Göring during the “blood purge” of June 30, 1934.  

p.442 (pdf 455)
His decision to join the latter and exterminate the former was an event of great significance.  It irrevocably made the Nazi movement a counter revolution of the Right, using the party organization as an instrument for protecting the economic status quo. 

p.449 (pdf 462)
  The traditional capitalist system was a profit system.  In its pursuit of profits it was not  primarily  concerned with production, consumption, prosperity, high employment, national welfare, or anything else.  As a result, its concentration on profits eventually served to injure profits. 

pp.452-453 (pdf 465-466)
  Business hates competition.  Such competition might appear in various forms:  (a) prices; (b) for raw materials; (c) for markets; (d) potential competition (creation of new enterprises in the same activity); (e) for labor.  All these make planning difficult, and jeopardize profits.  Businessmen prefer to get together with competitors so that they can cooperate to exploit consumers to the benefit of profits instead of competing with each other to the injury of profits.  In Germany this was done by three kinds of arrangements:  (1) cartels (Kartelle), (2) trade associations (Fachverbände), and (3) employers' associations (Spitzenverbände).  The cartels regulated prices, production, and markets.  The trade associations were political groups organized as chambers of commerce or agriculture.  The employers' associations sought to control labor. 

p.455 (pdf 468)
Industry wanted to prepare for war, since it was profitable, but they did not like war, since profits, in wartime, took a secondary role to victory. 

p.455 (pdf 468)
Industry wanted rearmaments and an aggressive foreign policy to support these, not in order to carry out a paranoid policy but because this was the only kind of program they could see which would combine full employment of labor and equipment with profits. 

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Len Fisher, Ph.D., Rock, Paper, Scissors : game theory in everyday life, 2008
p.206
23    To often, parties will agree to a negotiated compromise and then one party will break the agreement when it suits them  
This is exactly what Adolf Hitler did when he signed the Munich Agreement with Neville Chamberlain, Benito Mussolini, and Édouard Daladier in September 1938.  The agreement handed de facto control of Czechoslovakia to Germany. (It should not be confused with the abortive England-Germany peace treaty that was later signed by Hitler and Chamberlain alone.)  The three non-German signatories attempted to minimize the possibility of war by permitting Germany's annexation of Czechoslovakia, so long as Hitler agreed to go no further.  Hitler beat their strategy by agreeing to the deal and then breaking the bargain and invading Poland a year later, when had had time to build up Germany's military strength. 

Len Fisher, Ph.D., Rock, Paper, Scissors : game theory in everyday life, 2008


p.50
Czechoslovakia was only created as an independent country in 1918.  The country is made up of two separate peoples, the Czechs and the Slovaks, each speaking a different language.  Many Czechoslovaks are farmers, but the country also had important coal, iron, and steel industries.  


   (The picture atlast of the world / illustrated by Brian Delf., 1. atlases. [1. atlases. 2. geography.], 1991,  G1021.P65  1991, 912--dc20, 1991, p.50 )

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William Engdahl, A century of war: Anglo-American oil politics and the new world order, 1992, 2004 

pp.14-15
p.14
In 1890, as a result of the near failure of the prestigious London merchant bank, Baring Brothers, arising from their huge losses in Argentine bond speculation and investment, and the ties of German banking to this Argentine speculation, a Berlin bank panic ensured, as the dominoes of an international financial pyramid began to topple. 

p.14
   Berlin, and German investors generally, had been caught up in international railroad speculation mania in the 1880s.  With the crash of the elite Baring Bros., with some $75,000,000 invested in various Argentine bonds, down came the illusions of many Germans about the marvels of financial speculation. 

pp.14-15
   In the wake of the financial collapse of Argentina, a large wheat exporter to Europe, Berlin grain traders Ritter & Blumenthal had foolishly attempted to ‘corner’ on the entire German wheat market, planning to capitalize on the consequences of the financial troubles in Argentina.  This only aggravated the financial panic in Germany as their scheme collapsed, bankrupting in its wake the esteemed private banking house of Hirschfeld & Wolf, and causing huge losses at the Rheinisch-Westphaelische Bank, further triggering a general run on German banks and a collapse of the Berlin stock market, lasting into the autumn of 1891. 

p.15
   Responding to the crisis, the Chancellor named a Commission of Inquiry of 28 eminent persons, under the chairmanship of Reichsbank President Dr. Richard Koch, to look into the causes and to propose legislative measures to prevent further such panics from occurring.  The Koch Commission was composed of a broad and representatives cross-section of German economic society, including representatives from industry, agriculture, universities, political parties, as well as banking and finance. 

p.15
   The result of the commission's work, most of it voted into law by the Reichstag in the Exchange Act in June 1896, and the Depotgesetz of that July, was the most severe legislation restricting financial speculation of any industrial country of the time.  Futures positions in grain were prohibited.  Stock market speculation possibilities were severely constrained, one result of which has been the relative absence of stock market speculation since then as a major factor affecting German economic life.

p.15
   The German Exchange Act of 1896 established definitively a different form of organization of finance and banking in Germany from that of Britain or America──Anglo-Saxon banking.  Not only this, but many London financial houses reduced their activity in the restrictive German financial market after the 1890s as a result of these restrictions, lessening the influence of City of London finance over German economic policy.  Significantly, to the present day, these fundamental differences between Anglo-Saxon banking and finance, and a ‘German model’ as largely practiced in Germany, Holland, Switzerland and Japan, are still somewhat visible.3 

3. Friedrich List. The National System of Political Economy (1885 edition. London: Longman, Green). Reprinted New York: Augustus M. Kelley, 1966.  

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Carroll Quigley, Tragedy and Hope, 1966    [ ]

p.213 (pdf page 226)
Reinsurance Treaty (1887). 
Emperor, William II
By failing to renew, William left Russia and France both isolated.  From this condition they naturally moved together to form the Dual Alliance of 1894.  Subsequently, by antagonizing Britain, the German government helped to transform this Dual Alliance into the Triple Entente. 

p.214 (pdf page 227)
Finally, Russia needed foreign loans for railroad building and industial construction, and these could be obtained most readily in Paris. 

p.213 (pdf page 226)
   This Dual Alliance of France and Russia became the base of a triangle whose other sides were “ententes”, that is, friendly agreements between France and Britain (1904) and between Russia and Britain (1907). 

p.249 (pdf page 262)
the intervention of the United States on the side of the Entente Powers in April 1917.  The causes of this event have been analyzed at great length.  In general there have been four chief reasons given for the intervention from four quite different points of view.  These might be summarized as follows: 

(1) The German submarine attacks on neutral shipping made it necessary for the United States to go to war to secure “freedom of the sea”; 

(2) the United States was influenced by subtle British propaganda conducted in drawing rooms, universities, and the press of the eastern part of the country where Anglophilism was rampant among the most influential social groups; 

(3) the United States was inveigled into the war by a conspiracy of international bankers and munitions manufacturers eager to protect their loans to the Entente Powers or their wartime profits from sales to these Powers; and 

(4) Balance of Power principles made it impossible for the United States to allow Great Britain to be defeated by Germany. 

p.250 (pdf page 263)
the fact that Americans had lent the Entente [British] billions of dollars which would be jeopordized by a German victory; 

p.251 (pdf page 264)
Accordingly, it became clear to the Germans that they would be starved into defeat unless they could defeat Britain first by unrestricted submarine warfare. 

p.235 (pdf page 248)
The submarine attack, as a new method of naval warfare, was applied with hesitation and ineffectiveness until 1917.  Then it was applied with such ruthless efficiency that almost a million tons of shipping was sunk in the month of April 1917, and Britain was driven within three weeks of exhaustion of her food supply. 


   (Carroll Quigley, Tragedy and Hope: a history of the world in our time, first published in 1966, second printing 1974, p.33 (pdf page 48)) 


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